[FIRST GUIDE TO THE SILK ROAD IN THE ISLAMIC WORLD] Tercüme-i târih-i nevâdir-i Çin Mâçîn. [i.e. Translation of the rare history and descriptions of China]

KHITÂÎ, ALI AKBAR (Early 16th-century Persian traveller and writer), (?-1516).

Tophâne-i Âmire Litografya Destigâhi, Istanbul, AH 1270 = [1854].

In modern cloth. Roy. 8vo. (24 x 17 cm). In Ottoman script (Old Turkish with Arabic letters). 70 p. The heading (serlevha) and borders of the first double page are printed in gilt. Slight fading and browning on pages. Overall, a very good copy.

Lithographed edition. The first and only printed edition of the first known description of the Silk Road in the Islamic world and one of the earliest Islamic travel accounts of China, predating Ibn Battuta’s Rihla. This remarkable work is considered one of the most comprehensive travel narratives about Ming Dynasty China in the 16th century. Originally written in Persian in 1516 and finalized shortly after Khitâî arrived (or returned) in Istanbul in 1520, it was later translated into Turkish by Hezârfen Hüseyin (?-1103/1691). The account gained significant influence among Turkish and Persian-speaking Muslim communities. According to the colophon, the book was completed on the last day(s) of Rabî I 922/May 1516, though the preface includes a panegyric praising Suleiman the Magnificent (r. 1520-66).

The book is divided into twenty chapters, covering a wide array of subjects including roads, cities, military affairs, trade, administration, law, religions, fortresses, armies, imperial ceremonies, brothels and prostitutes, arts and cures, legislation, schools, encounters with westerners, Qalmâqs, agriculture, and personal observations of the author on gold, silver, money, and Chinese temples. Ali Akbar's detailed narrative provides a vivid portrayal of 16th-century China and serves as a practical guide for Islamic merchants navigating the Silk Road.

Dedicated to Sultan Suleiman, the work may reflect Ali Akbar's desire to draw attention to the challenges faced by the Shi'ite community in Istanbul, amidst the predominance of Sunnism. Chinese scholar Lin Yih-Min describes Ali Akbar as a 'Turkish businessman' (1983, p. 58), suggesting that his travels likely extended only to Central Asia, where he gathered material for the book before returning to Turkey. Ali Akbar’s Shi'ite background is evident from his name.

The 'Khataynameh' gained significant recognition, not only within the Ottoman Empire but also in Europe during the early 19th century, highlighting its enduring influence across cultures. The immediate impact of the Khataynameh is challenging to determine; however, it is remarkable that the Ottoman Empire, referred to as Lumi (Rûm), began to appear prominently in Chinese sources after an Ottoman embassy arrived in Beijing in 1524. This embassy was followed by others until 1618 (Kauz, pp. 264, 266-67). The timing - 1524, just a few years after the completion of Ali Akbar's work- suggests a potential direct influence of the Khataynameh on Ottoman diplomacy and commercial initiatives toward Central Asia and China.

The Silk Road, one of history's most significant trade routes, stretched from China to the Mediterranean Sea, connecting East and West. This vital network facilitated the exchange of goods, knowledge, culture, information, and even explorers and armies, shaping civilizations along its path. “It was a key economic factor connecting the empires of China, Byzantium and the Arab Caliphate, and dozens of countries that fell within the spheres of influence of these empires”. (Aliyarli).

“After the advent of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula in the 7th century, Islam started its expansion towards eastern regions through trade encouraged by the development of the maritime Silk Roads. Muslims were known to have a commercial talent notably encouraged by Islam, as well as excellent sailing skills. Thus, they could monopolize the East-West trade of the maritime Silk Roads, connecting various major ports of eastern Asian regions together. Indeed, their commercial ships had to halt at various ports to be supplied with water and food, be repaired, or to wait for changes in wind direction.

These interactions resulted in further expansion of Islam to the people living in important coastal cities in the Indian Subcontinent, China, or in the more distant South-eastern islands of modern Indonesia or the Philippines. It is believed that Islam first arrived in these Southeastern regions by the 7th century. Muslim merchants from the Arabian Peninsula had to pass through these islands of the south via the maritime Silk Roads to reach China's ports.

In addition, according to historical accounts, Muslim traders came to the Indonesian islands because of the rare spices present there. It is believed that some of these merchants settled in Indonesia and blended with local people. Moreover, after the arrival of Muslim merchants in Sumatra Island, the kings of the island started to follow Islam, which further facilitated their integration into the trade roads around the 12th century AD. Archaeological evidence of the adoption of Islam amongst royalty can be seen on tombstones engraved with the date of the Islamic year of the Sumatran Kings of the 13th century.

Regarding the islands of the Philippines, archaeological records such as porcelain wares unearthed in the archipelago that belonged to the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD) and were imported to the Philippines by Muslim traders attest to the presence of Muslims before the 10th century. Moreover, in the 13th century, contacts between Muslim merchants and the local population, as well as commerce through the Silk Roads between the South of the Philippines and other neighbouring regions such as Brunei, Malaysia, or Indonesia encouraged the spread of Islam amongst their local population.” (UNESCO).

Özege 20686. (Sources: Encyclopædia Iranica.; WorldCat.; TDV Islam Ansiklopedisi.; “One of the Last Documents of the Silk Road: The Khataynameh of Ali Akbar” by Ralph Kauz)., Lin Yih-Min, "A comparative and critical study of Ali Akbar’s Khitây-nâma with reference to Chinese sources", Central Asiatic Journal 27 (1983), pp. 58-78.